Occasional Tributes

Introduction of George Will

Annual Dinner, Calvin Coolidge Presidential Foundation, December 2024

George F. Will, a longtime admirer and expositor of Calvin Coolidge, delivered the dinner address at the Coolidge Foundation’s annual gala in 2024, attended by a throng of college and high school students who are part of the Foundation’s scholarship and debate programs. George’s eminent career was already well established before those students were born, so I used my introduction to tell them about that career and why they should read his writings and emulate his thinking.

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A Tribute to Eugene Meyer

Federalist Society National Lawyers Convention, November 2024

Eugene Meyer was president of the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies from its founding years in the 1980s through his retirement at the end of 2024. Gene was fêted at the FedSoc national convention shortly before moving out of the corner office; this was my contribution.

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A Tribute to John McClaughry

Front Porch Republic, June 2023

Delivered at the Ethan Allen Institute’s 30th anniversary dinner in Burlington, Vermont, on May 31, 2023, where Mr. McClaughry received the Institute’s Lifetime Achievement Award.

. . . .

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A Memoir of Ayaan Hirsi Ali

AHA Foundation Newsletter, October 2022

I was one of the first of millions of Americans to encounter Ayaan Hirsi Ali and to be greatly moved by her bravery and affected by her thinking and writing. I met her in 2005 when I was president of the American Enterprise Institute and she was a member of the Dutch Parliament. AEI was a frequent stop for foreign officials visiting Washington, D.C., but I knew in advance that Ayaan’s visit would be special.

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Toast to Karlyn Bowman

At a dinner in her honor at the American Enterprise Institute on March 31, 2022

Appended to my remarks is a pamphlet distributed at the dinner with tributes from others.

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Stephen Williams on Liberal Reform

Remarks at “A Remembrance of Judge Stephen F. Williams,” Antonin Scalia Law School, George Mason University, October 9, 2020

A tribute to Stephen F. Williams (1936–2020), who died of complications from a Covid-19 infection in August 2020. In addition to his long and distinguished career as a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit (1986–2020), he was an accomplished legal scholar and historian. My remarks draw on his two books on efforts at liberal reform in tsarist Russia in the years leading to the Bolshevik revolution of 2017.

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Allan H. Meltzer—Libertarian Institutionalist

Carnegie Mellon University, October 2, 2017

A tribute to the great economist Allan Meltzer, delivered at a memorial gathering that included talks on his professional contributions and personal remembrances from family and friends.

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The Spirit of Michael Novak

The Weekly Standard, March 6, 2017

Early morning on February 17, word was getting around that Michael Novak had passed away in his sleep, and email klatsches were forming. In mine, one of his close friends wrote that “the generosity of Michael’s friendship allowed him to obscure the fact that he was among the few truly great men that any of us have known.” We all piled on with fervent assents. That a man of such towering achievements should also be a downhome, kindly friend (even “cuddly,” discerning women would attest) was so unusual that we had pretended he was just one of the guys.

Which is not to say that Michael was modest. …

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“Tom Whitehead—Theory and Practice”

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., January 11, 2013

Thank you, Margaret. This wonderful evening is all your doing. I speak for everyone present in offering profound gratitude for your generosity, grace, care, and intensity of purpose that have brought us together. And we extend hearty thanks and congratulations to James Billington, Roberta Shaffer, and their colleagues at the Library of Congress for undertaking to preserve Tom’s papers for posterity.

Politics consists of the competition of interests and the competition of ideas. Among interests, the advantage lies with those that have already gotten themselves politically entrenched—farmers, teachers, retirees. Among ideas, the advantage lies with those that can mobilize tangible constituencies—green energy, homeownership, too-big-to-fail finance. New interests and abstract ideas, however worthy, operate at a disadvantage. At the very back of the pack is the idea that is good but hypothetical, and that not only lacks a live constituency but is actively opposed by entrenched interests.

Yet there are cases where such ideas do somehow prevail, and shower society with unanticipated benefits. It is for this reason that we should document, study, celebrate, and emulate Tom Whitehead and the amazing history of his White House Office of Telecommunications Policy in 1970–1974 and his subsequent career as a path-breaking entrepreneur.

That history will not be lost, thanks to the Library of Congress and to the website that Margaret has established.1 But it does take some explaining. Tom was a reserved and cerebral man. He was interested in the deep structure of things rather than their surface appearance—with the hard engineering and economic facets of a situation rather than its transient political manifestations. He could be confident and incisive in analyzing problems and strategies, and warm and witty in conversation. But in the face of the talking-point diatribes so common to Washington, he would sit, Coolidge-like, saying nothing at all, staring at his garrulous interlocutors in unsettling silence. He was occasionally somewhat mysterious and indirect in his methods, so that no one knew exactly where he was going until suddenly he was there. And he was utterly oblivious to the arts of self-aggrandizement. Anyone who met him in the late 1960s would have judged him a frighteningly brainy academic who would be a complete disaster as a political operative or business promoter.

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Tribute to Douglas Ginsburg

U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, September 12, 2012

The first time Douglas Ginsburg would be my benefactor came in the fall of 1970 at the University of Chicago Law School. We were members of the entering class of 1973 and had not yet met. A disturbing rumor was sweeping the 1-Ls: someone in the class had allegedly been an operative in the Richard Nixon White House. That would be me—but I was dressed in the conventional jeans, sweatshirt, and sneakers, while Doug was conspicuous in a dark suit, wingtips, white shirt, and a very skinny black necktie. And so, as we both later learned, suspicion and ostracism were deflected from the true malefactor to an innocent bystander. That was doubly unjust, because Doug, in his own years before law school, had been a proto-Mark Zuckerberg—a college-dropout social-network entrepreneur, creating the first computerized dating service, Operation Match, in its time all the rage on campus.

Several years later, when we were both teaching at Harvard, I would again be a Ginsburg beneficiary. We had been batting around the old conundrum whether society shapes the path of technology or the other way around. Doug declared that we should make a study of the matter and teach what we learned. Our course, “Technological Change and the Law,” plumbed such cutting-edge issues of the day as whether copyright was just for poetry and prose or also for computer code, and the titanic collision of branch-banking restrictions with the development of the automated teller machine. Doug’s inspiration was a brilliant success and an intellectual feast.

At the end of Ronald Reagan’s first term, Doug would be my angel once again. I was running the regulatory policy wing of the Office of Management and Budget, and Doug was a deputy to William Baxter at the Antitrust Division, very likely to be the new chief when Bill returned to Stanford. I had decided it was time to take my leave, but my superiors told me they would accept my resignation if and only if I found a successor who would be better than me. That was a tall order indeed, so I turned to Doug. Despite the considerable career risk of leaving DOJ for OMB at that moment, Doug agreed to the move. And of course everyone else agreed immediately that I had abundantly fulfilled the condition for my departure.

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A Gentleman and a Scholar: James Q. Wilson 1913-2012

The Weekly Standard, March 19, 2012

I got up my nerve to introduce myself to James Q. Wilson when I was a Harvard junior casting around for a senior thesis topic. I approached his office in Harvard’s Littauer Center daunted and therefore well prepared. Littauer was then (1967) home to a dazzling array of pathbreaking thinkers and celebrity scholars, including Henry Kissinger, John Kenneth Galbraith, Samuel Huntington, Thomas Schelling, and Edward C. Banfield, with the ed school’s Daniel P. Moynihan a frequent visitor from just across the Cambridge Common. Wilson—at 36 the youngest full professor in the Department of Government—was already a standout in that company. He had been director of the MIT-Harvard Joint Center for Urban Studies for several years, and was emerging as a leading light of the I Public Interest circle of intellectual revolutionaries. He had recently published, with Banfield, City Politics, recognized as a landmark of political analysis the day it appeared.

But I was interested in Wilson’s earlier books, Negro Politics and The Amateur Democrat, written when he was a newly minted Ph.D. at the University of Chicago. I had had some involvement in black politics (and, I hereby confess, community organizing) in Chicago, and wanted to use my experience as a “participant-observer” as the basis for my thesis. I would employ Wilson’s methods and typologies and extend his findings to a period when the trend he had identified in Negro Politics—the displacement of patronage politics by racial politics—had proceeded much further.

Jim was crisp and businesslike, hearing me out intently and responding with cordial criticism and several suggestions for further study. No, he could not be my thesis adviser—because he was already overcommitted, and anyway he wanted to be the faculty reader who would grade the thesis when it was done (gulp). As the interview was winding up, I managed to work in a few impressive analogies between his books and the works of earlier political scientists. “That’s right,” he concluded cheerfully as he ushered me to the door. “We don’t know much in this business—but what we do know, we keep repeating.”

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Walter Berns’s Constitution

Constitution Day Seminar, AEI, September 20, 2011

In America today, the Constitution has come to mean constitutional law. Most Americans venerate their Constitution and realize that it is an important source of their liberties and of their nation’s success. But when they talk about it, or hear political leaders or the media talk about it, the subject is almost always what courts–especially the Supreme Court–have said in its name. We pay attention to our Constitution when the Court holds that one of its provisions forbids, or does not forbid, a particular practice–banning violent video games, regulating corporate political contributions, suing funeral hecklers, providing racial preferences in college admissions. Moreover, as Justice Scalia noted in his AEI Boyer Lecture in 1989, these holdings are often treated as if they were policy decisions rather than constitutional decisions–even when they are not, in fact, policy decisions. If the Court holds that Congress does not have the authority under the interstate commerce clause to forbid the possession of guns in school zones by means of a statute with such-and-such provisions, the media report gravely that the Court has said people can take guns into schools.

It was not always this way. There was a time when the Constitution was understood to be a guide to political officials and even to citizens and voters. Consider the president, whose oath of office, prescribed by the Constitution, is pointedly spare–he will “preserve, protect, and defend” the Constitution. As Walter Berns has noted, in the nineteenth century all of our presidents invoked the Constitution in their inaugural addresses following the taking of that oath; moreover, constitutional arguments were central to many live political controversies, especially in Lincoln’s speeches and debates on slavery and the union. But in the twentieth century, beginning with Theodore Roosevelt, constitutional appeals and references all but vanished from presidential inaugurals and also from political debates (one exception being FDR’s arguments for his court-packing proposal). Modern presidents assuredly do not regard the Constitution as a guide to their own actions. They would not think of vetoing an act of Congress simply because they regarded it as unconstitutional, even though the veto power was intended as a safeguard against unconstitutional legislation. Instead, they sign the act into law and say that, while they may have their own opinion, it is of course up to the courts to decide the constitutional question; and then their Justice Departments proceed to advocate the act’s constitutionality before those courts.

Congressional practice has become little different. Several decades ago, in the early years of Walter Berns’s career, it was still that case that a few curmudgeonly senators would rise to ask what provision of the Constitution authorized the undoubtedly worthy bill under consideration, and then vote against it in the absence of a satisfactory answer. No more. The Speaker of the House of the previous Congress articulated the modern approach. Asked for the constitutional authority for a controversial piece of legislation, she said, “Are you serious?” (this was not a question but an expression of contempt). In the current session, the House leadership has reversed course and required that the source of constitutional authority be specified at the beginning of every bill–but to little avail. “General welfare,” “necessary and proper”–these are good enough for congressional work. The Constitution as a guide to action is now just for judges in pronouncing on the actions of others.

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A Tribute to Jack Calfee

At his memorial service, February 26, 2011

James Lilley, Man of Talk

Remarks at “The Life and Times of James R. Lilley: An Appreciation”, November 12, 2010

Jim Lilley was the last-of-the-great in several categories. The last of the great postwar China hands (raised there before the war; steeped in its culture; a patriot). The last of the great dashing covert intelligence operatives (Blackford Oaks come to life). The last of the great self-assured Establishment WASP Yalies (admittedly fortified by some Catholic family history). To me he was great in another tradition that derives from these three but that I hope is not petering out. He was a great practicing Habermasian.

Jürgen Habermas is the eminent German philosopher whose complex teachings may be summarized as follows: the highest aspiration of social and political life should be to keep the conversation going. Conversation not in the conventional formulation, as the means for ever-closer approach to some ultimate truth, but rather conversation for its own sake—for understanding our own circumstances, views, and values in the context of the variegated circumstances, views, and values of others, and for averting entrenchment in misinformed dogma and fanaticism. Such conversation may yield further benefits—peace, commerce, a scientific breakthrough—but in any event is an end in itself and, actually, as good as it gets.

Jim Lilley was first a man of action at the CIA, then a man of diplomacy and strategy at the departments of State and Defense, then a man of ideas at the American Enterprise Institute. When I knew him, during the third phase, his biggest idea and overarching policy prescription, which I imagined was the sum of his career experiences, was to keep talking, to keep the conversation going. This was his essential proposition especially for the problems between Taiwan and China, but also for those between China and Korea, America and China, America and Korea, and for every other trouble-spot and tinder-box he was familiar with.

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The Nixon-Moynihan Alliance

Remarks at a seminar on Moynihan in the White House, November 10, 2010

We think 2010 has been a tumultuous political year, but it has been a genteel tea party compared to 1968, the year that brought Richard Nixon and Daniel Patrick Moynihan together. In April, Martin Luther King, Jr., was murdered in cold blood, igniting race riots across the nation that left dozens of people dead. In Washington the mobs numbered in the tens of thousands and buildings stretching many blocks up 14th Street burned for five days. Fourteen thousand Marine and Army troops—the largest military occupation of a city since the Civil War—patrolled the streets and finally held the rioters at bay two blocks from the White House. Two months later, Robert F. Kennedy was murdered point-blank the evening he won the California Democratic primary which would have sealed his nomination for president. In another eleven weeks, at the Democratic Convention, Chicago was once again seized by bloody riots, this time instigated from the opposite end of the socio-economic spectrum.

The violence was merely the worst of the mayhem running throughout the year, the result of furious political divisions over, first, the Vietnam War and, second, the circumstances of black Americans and poor city communities following the heady days of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the War on Poverty and Great Society programs. Pat Moynihan—Harvard professor, director of the MIT-Harvard Joint Center for Urban Studies—was a liberal Democrat (the L word was still in use then and Pat used it proudly) and had been campaigning with the anti-war Robert Kennedy the week before he was gunned down. In the course of the year Pat published two astonishing essays in Commentarymagazine—in May, after King’s murder, “The Democrats, Kennedy, and the Murder of Dr. King”; then in August, after Kennedy’s murder, “The Professors and the Poor.”

We, he wrote—we liberal intellectuals—have since 1960 been at the center of political power as never before and have had our way on virtually everything we cared about. We began with supreme confidence in our ability to control events abroad and in our own society, through bold interventions, guided by our brilliant ideas and idealism, that would confront injustice, right wrongs, and set the world swiftly on a new course—one not only more admirable but more stable, more united, more harmonious. And after eight years, what have we got? Some historic achievements to be sure (the Civil Rights Act) but, overwhelmingly, national disintegration: riot and bedlam, angry disillusionment especially among the poor and black on the one hand and the privileged, educated young on the other, the rise of new forces of political radicalism and militancy, in sum a republic “approaching a condition of instability.” Were we perhaps a bit too sanguine about the willingness of the world to accede to the rational theorizing at which we excel? “We liberal Democrats,” he wrote, “had best begin asking this question of ourselves, or else others—Richard M. Nixon, for one—will surely be asking it for us.”

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A Tribute to Michael Novak

A dinner in Michael Novak’s honor, July 2010

Michael Novak and his work during the past thirty-five years have been abundantly feted. Celebrants have expounded on his brilliance, his prolificacy, and his influence. But brilliance and industriousness, although highly important virtues, are not nearly as rare as the total Novak phenomenon. And influence, although highly admired, is not a virtue at all—it puts Michael in the company of Eliot Spitzer and Peter Singer. So I would like to take a different tack and remark on Michael’s character, in particular his ambition and his bravery.

He spent the first twenty years of his professional life in academics. To the brilliant and industrious, university life offers wonderful opportunities for achievement and fulfillment. Michael could have continued to hold the best chairs at the best schools and to win all the teaching awards. But the academy favors work on discrete, manageable problems “in the literature” and can punish departures from certain orthodoxies. At some point in the 1970s Michael decided that he would go after bigger game.

I have often marveled that, in the midst of the Jimmy Carter administration, the hard-headed businessmen on the America Enterprise Institutes’ Board of Trustees would countenance the appointment of a theologian, and moreover a theologian with a colorful paper trail in left-wing politics and Democratic Party electioneering. But it was Michael who took by far the greater risk in accepting the offer—throwing away tenure and respectability for God knew what (but He wasn’t talking, not even to Michael.)

Since then his vocation has been the conquest of momentous, difficult, contentious problems. Problems with large practical and political components, where his philosophical learning provided a foundation but everything else was left to his own wits and experience. Today we recognize the moral architecture of democratic capitalism because Michael built it for us—even the terms were unknown before he and Irving Kristol started their work.

And he has provided many elaborations and applications: the moral architectures of economic development, of escape from the welfare trap, of nuclear deterrence, of the corporation and business-as-a-calling, of the income tax, intellectual property, mediating structures, ethnic politics, and even sports (the last however limited to Notre Dame football). If you listen in on Michael debating the progressive income tax with a professional economist, you will get an idea of the moral clarity he has brought to questions that everyone knew to be terribly complicated and endlessly nuanced.

Along the way he has dispatched many cherished liberal shibboleths and theological wrong-turns. In recent years has grafted back the second wing of faith onto the long-prevailing narrative (even at AEI) of the American founding as a secular exercise in institutional ingenuity. Bravest of all, he has provided religious instruction to Ayaan Hirsi Ali.

What Michael’s greatest projects have had in common is audacity. In taking them on, he was committing himself to originality, which risked failure, and to unflinching truth-telling, which risked elite derision if he succeeded. His brilliance may have given him the confidence to take the big risks; his industriousness may have been inspired by fear of failure. But they alone cannot explain what Michael achieved. They had to be coupled with guts—sheer obstinate confrontational Johnstown guts.

Michael’s toughness is often masked by his sweet, magnanimous disposition. Don’t be fooled. If you have watched him make a big concession in a debate, or respond sympathetically to a hostile questioner, or provide a generous account of an opposing view in a book or essay, then you know that his kindliness is often the sign that serious intellectual vivisection is about to commence.

And then there’s his vast philosophical mastery: he already knows Argument No. 27 better than the other guy, and he also knows that it is conventionally trumped by Argument No. 8—but he also knows that it is completely annihilated by Argument No. 131-C, which he derived himself fifteen years ago.

But most of all, Michael’s sweet magnanimity is genuine and in fact reflects the ambition and bravery of his intellectual position. For it expresses his certainty that there is good in human nature—good that calls for earnest entreaty on its own terms. Among career pundits and haut thinkers, nothing could be more politically incorrect, more embarrassingly naïve. Yet in Michael’s choices of projects, and in the particulars of his arguments, one sees three overarching propositions constantly at work.

First, that man for all his failings is ardently concerned to know what is right and just. Second, that politics for all its flaws is capable of pursuing social betterment and sometimes finding it. Third, that reason for all its frailties can help us find our way. To dedicate a lifetime to such propositions in late twentieth-century America one had to be not only brave but downright reckless. That the endeavor has proven so astoundingly fruitful is reason to doubt the cynicism of the age and to work, as diligently as he has, for a return of the better angels.

Let us then drink to Michael’s continuing good health, good spirit, and good works.

Introduction of Charles Murray

2009 Irving Kristol Lecture, March 11, 2009

It has fallen to AEI’s new president to take the helm amidst terrible storms.  He has done so with good cheer and is steering our ship with steady assurance and resolve.  Despite my has-been status I know that I can still speak for everyone associated with AEI on one point—to express our great appreciation and admiration for Arthur Brooks.

In October 1994, just as The Bell Curve was hitting the bookstores, The New York Times published a careful smear of Charles Murray, in the form of a cover article in its Sunday Magazine that strongly implied that (I am being delicate here) the man was a bit unbalanced.  For the cover art the Timesdispatched a photographer to Charles’s hometown in Iowa where he was visiting his parents. Several hundred pictures were taken over the course of an afternoon—many came out well, some even portrayed the subject as downright handsome.  But a few shots late in the day caught him squinting into the setting sun, and in one he was unrecognizably cockeyed.  Naturally, the Timesselected that one.  It ran under the headline, “America’s Most Dangerous Conservative.”

The incident provoked a furor in the halls of the American Enterprise Institute.  Not the article or the photo—those were tired old tricks to spring on a guileless soul like Charlie.  Rather it was the headline.  Jeane Kirkpatrick, Robert Bork, Irving Kristol, and probably others were thinking, “Hey wait a minute—I thought was America’s most dangerous conservative!”

But the headline’s premise was wrong.  Charles Murray is not a conservative.  He is an old fashioned, heart-on-the-sleeve, do-gooder liberal.  He is happy—I sometimes think eager—to upend the established order of things to help the poor, downtrodden, and unfortunate and to dethrone the comfortable, smug, and well-fed.  What makes him hard to categorize, and virtually sui generisamong public intellectuals, is that he is a liberal who has avoided the two catastrophic mistakes of modern liberalism.  The first is to confuse the fortunes of liberty and equality with the fortunes of the state.  The second is to hugely exaggerate the malleability of human nature, and thereby to romanticize the possibilities of programmatic approaches to human betterment.

It was the second of those apostasies that got The Bell Curve into trouble.  The book’s capital sin was not its discussion of differences in average intelligence among racial and other groups, but rather its demonstration of the reality, durability, and pervasive social consequences of differences in intelligence among individuals.  That was indeed dangerous.  It meant that social engineering, like physical engineering, faced hard natural limits, and also that the modern quest for equality was in important respects self-defeating.  But the points were so fundamental, and the evidence and arguments adduced for them were so powerful, that attempting a frontal, on-the-merits rebuttal would have been problematic to say the least.  So, for many, a simpler line of attack was adopted: the effort to anathematize the authors and thereby render their work untouchable.

The effort failed of course.  Good books have lives of their own, and Murray’s tend to be organically robust and long lived.  Losing Ground repays careful reading a quarter century after its publication. The Bell Curve, and also Human Accomplishment, will be studied and debated a century after he and all of us have passed on.  The secret of his success is that he is the opposite of the political incendiary the Times and others have sometimes portrayed him to be.  What he is is a social scientist of relentlessly empirical bent, indifferent to the political conventions of the day and focused on bigger game, larger questions which others are missing.  For Charles, econometrics is not for generating freak shows of amazing and trivial correlations, but rather for testing, explaining, fortifying our deepest intuitions and understandings from everyday life.  In many ways, the culmination of his work to date is his latest book.  Real Education finally combines his interest in variations in innate abilities with his interests in culture, policy, and institutions.  It integrates theory, fact, statistics, ethics, and direct conversation with the reader to spectacular effect.  If you have not yet begun your Murrayeducation, Real Education is the place to start.

Learning to live with the natural constraints of the human condition can be liberating; making practical use of those constraints can be the highest form of creativity.  So it has been with Charles.  Along the way, the effort has made him, and his wife, editor, and sometime co-author Catherine Bly Cox, the most wonderful of colleagues and friends—vivacious and hard-working, principled and curious, learned and kind.

And that is real happiness, rightly understood—which happens to be his theme for the evening.  NowArthur Brooks has recently published a superlative book of his own on the subject, Gross National Happiness, and you may suspect that Charles is simply buttering up the new power structure at AEI. But Charles got there first, with In Pursuit back in 1988, and his longtime interest in the nature of happiness has been inspired by the American founders and, most of all, by his great teacher and constant muse Aristotle.  AEI’s Irving Kristol Award for 2009 is a specially bound set of the complete works of Aristotle; it is inscribed:

To Charles Murray
Exemplary social scientist
Whose measurements are means to moral understanding
Engaged Aristotelian
Who teaches of human heritage and pursuit

In Memoriam—Irving Kristol/”The Practical Liberal”

AEI on the Issues, October 2009

I first encountered Irving Kristol at the outset of my political coming-of-age as a college student in the 1960s. My youthful liberalism was bumping into what I was learning in my courses and, even more, what I was reading in the newspapers and observing around me. I confessed my confusions to one of my professors and asked for his help in finding my way to a serious political education. He handed me the first issue of The Public Interest (Fall 1965) and told me to get myself next to its cofounder, Irving Kristol. To my amazement, that turned out to be a very easy thing to do.

Only much later did I realize that I had entered an intellectual catchment area that was channeling hundreds of young people on a new course, a course that would come to be known as neoconservatism. We were liberals, devoted to social improvement and political reform and, on the central domestic issue of the day, emphatically pro-civil rights (we could never have thought of ourselves as conservatives so soon after Barry Goldwater opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964). But we were deeply unsettled by the angry radicalism and increasing violence of the New Left, by the mounting evidence of the failures and perversities of the Great Society programs, and by the combination of personal sacrifice and political aimlessness that was the Vietnam War.

Irving had been on a similar journey through earlier decades, and in his midforties was still journeying. He was a powerful essayist and astoundingly well read, but he wore his learning in a manner that was, to the young intellectual, sheer magic–at once acerbic and lighthearted, aphoristic and nuanced, subversive and courtly, oppositional and patriotic. And hilariously witty. On top of all that, he actually took us seriously–arguing with us as equals, attending carefully to the progress of our thinking and work, and making strategic interventions as necessary. Noticing my awakening interest in economics, he instructed me to change law schools, from Harvard to Chicago, only a few days before classes were to begin. I do not know of a man who changed more lives through personal example and suggestion.

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A Toast to Ayaan Hirsi Ali on Her Fortieth Birthday

November 12, 2009

Today is not only Ayaan’s fortieth birthday but also three-and-a-half years from the day she declared that she was coming to America. She had already decided to move here one day but then received a hard shove from the Dutch government (which revoked her citizenship) and judiciary (which ruled that Dutch citizens have a human right to her absence from their neighborhoods). On that day in May 2006, when she announced that she was resigning from the Dutch Parliament and accepting an appointment as a fellow of the American Enterprise Institute, Ayaan Hirsi Ali became the first citizen of a modern nation to be exiled for reasons of political convenience.

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A Conversation with President Bush

AEI Online, December 18, 2008

President George W. Bush visited AEI for a candid, informal conversation about the institution of the presidency with a special focus on his domestic policy initiatives. A transcript of the president’s conversation, moderated by AEI president Chris DeMuth, follows.

CHRISTOPHER DEMUTH: President Bush, welcome to the American Enterprise Institute and thank you for coming over this morning.

Colleagues and guests, President Bush is embarked on a series of talks and appearances, reflecting on his momentous years in the White House as his second term draws to a close. We are honored that he would include AEI on his dance card.

It will be many years before it is possible to take the full measure of the Presidency of George W. Bush. His contemporaries will not have the last word on the matter, but already we can see the outlines, and of course it is his own views that are of primary interest at this time.

Our focus this morning will be on domestic policy and the institution of the Presidency. President Bush has achieved major reforms, especially in taxation and civil justice, which have made America freer and more prosperous. He has been a firm advocate of free trade at a time when this once-popular cause was coming under fire. His judicial appointments have been superlative. His most important disappointment, social security reform, was an example of bold leadership that his successors will wish had succeeded.

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Introductory Remarks for Douglas Ginsburg at the Gauer Distinguished Lecture

AEI Legal Center for the Public Interest, September 23, 2008

Justice Alito, judges of the Court of Appeals, distinguished guests, good evening and welcome to the 2008 Gauer Distinguished Lecture in Law and Public Policy. This is the second Gauer Lecture to be sponsored by the American Enterprise Institute since our merger with theNational Legal Center for the Public Interest a year ago.

The first year of the AEI Legal Center for the Public Interest has been busy and productive, with major conferences and publications on issues ranging from patent reform to the death penalty, from law-and-terrorism to the Voting Rights Act, from the prosecution of Milberg Weiss to the prosecution of firms that provide true and urgent drug information to doctors, and, throughout, on our longstanding enthusiasms of liability, antitrust, and competitive federalism. Next month we go global with our first annual Transatlantic Law Forum, on the subject of “Citizenship in Europe and the United States,” featuring many distinguished jurists and scholars from both sides of the ocean.

I would like to thank Ted Frank, director of the AEI Legal Center, and the many advisers to the AEI Center and its predecessor who are here present. I am especially grateful to AEI trusteeJohn Luke, chairman and chief executive officer of MeadWestvaco, and Wendell Willkie, the firm’s senior vice president and general counsel, for their wonderful help with this evening’s arrangements and for Wendell’s participation in our programs throughout the year.
My colleagues and I are greatly honored that Judge Douglas H. Ginsburg of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit has agreed to present this year’s Gauer Lecture. Judge Ginsburg was appointed to the D.C. Circuit by Ronald Reagan in 1986 to assume the seat previously held by J. Skelly Wright. He was an accomplished legal scholar and public servant for many years before that. A graduate of The Latin School of Chicago and CornellUniversity, he was a member of the legendary class of 1973 at the University of Chicago Law School and clerked for Circuit Judge Carl McGowan and Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall. Following eight years as a professor at Harvard Law School, where he specialized in antitrust and the regulation of communications and financial markets, he came to Washington in 1983; in three crowded years before his appointment to the bench, he served as deputy assistant attorney general for antitrust, administrator for information and regulatory affairs at the Office of Management and Budget, and assistant attorney general for antitrust.

On the bench, Judge Ginsburg has proven to be a wise judge and meticulous craftsman—with both the background and the patience to grasp what is really going on in the complex administrative cases that often come before him, and with the capacity for deference on the one hand or boldness on the other as the circumstances warrant. He was Chief Judge of his court from 2001 until earlier this year, and has continued to write and to teach—variously at Chicago,Columbia, George Mason, and Harvard—during his judicial tenure. I must mention also Judge Ginsburg’s nomination to the Supreme Court by President Reagan in 1987, which fell victim to our era of partisan malice which regrettably continues to this day and which has denied America the service of so many capable men and women.

Judge Ginsburg has always been something of a cutting-edge technophile. Here are two lesser know facts about him. First, in his entrepreneurial, pre-law days, he was founder and president of Operation Match, mankind’s very first computer dating service. Second and even more amazing, at Harvard he taught a course in “Technological Change and the Law” with the future president of the American Enterprise Institute. The tradition continues this evening as he presents the first-ever Gauer Lecture accompanied by PowerPoint. His topic is “Continuity and Change in the Supreme Court: Antitrust as a Case Study.”

Please give a warm welcome to Judge Douglas Ginsburg.

Ben Wattenberg—Think Tank Trailblazer

Washington, D.C., September 19, 2008

I am very grateful for the kind things that have been said about me and AEI this evening. And I am very grateful for Ben Wattenberg.

The first of my many debts to Ben was incurred in April 1970, long before I met him. America was preparing to celebrate its first Earth Day, and the media and Congress were awash in hysterical claims and silly ideas about overpopulation and environmental doom. Along came Wattenberg with a brilliant essay in The New Republic titled “The Nonsense Explosion.” It debunked the notion that America was being overrun by human beings and their wasteful ways, and that only solution was for the government to limit economic growth and restrict personal freedoms. Among Ben’s targets was the bestselling book by Stanford professor Paul Ehrlich, The Population Bomb.

Ben was not a think tanker at the time. He was a former LBJ speechwriter, then working with Richard Scammon on what would be their landmark political study, The Real Majority, and headed for Hubert Humphrey’s 1970 Senate campaign in Minnesota. Yet the essay was a quintessential think tank product. It was long—close to 5,000 words in a political opinion magazine—and filled with facts and even a table. It was lucid, judicious, and opinionated, and utterly devastating to the fallacies, contradictions, shallowness, and menacing ideologies of the population explosionists. And did I mention contrarian, controversial, and correct? (Ben loves alliteration and I’m doing my best.) The New Republic was deluged with angry letters. Time proved Ben right on every point.

My debt to Ben was intellectual and political. It taught me many things I had not previously understood—and just in time, as I was working on environmental issues in the Nixon White House, and it was nice to have this voice of reason from an impeccable Democratic source. But my debt was also social and romantic. I was dating a biology major at Stanford who was a student of Paul Ehrlich, and she had given me the great professor’s book. With glee I sent her the Wattenberg rebuttal and made sure it arrived in a big creamy envelope embossed by the Nixon White House, sure to attract the attention of her dorm mates on the mail table. Eventually, she was persuaded, and even agreed to marry me. Ideas do have consequences.

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Introductory Remarks for John Howard

2008 Irving Kristol Lecture, March 6, 2008

The recent Prime Minister of Australia and his wife have traveled 10,000 miles to permit us to honor him.Canberra and Washington are not quite antipodes, but they are very close to that. Which reminds us that the Anglosphere is in fact a sphere–the English speaking people have populated and settled the expanse of Planet Earth like none other. And civilized it: On the Heritage Foundation/Wall Street Journal “Index of Economic Freedom,” of the top ten freest nations on Earth, eight consist of the United Kingdom and its offshoots, including the Australia that nurtured Banjo Paterson and the America that nurtured Irving Berlin. Oil goes up, real estate goes down, but the hearty civilization that first emerged in the English middle-ages persists, prospers, paints and Googles the globe, and continues to attract. Admittedly there were a few missteps along the way. As we are nowadays dispensing apologies, I hereby apologize to India, Zambia, and Tanzania for the British affliction of Fabian Socialism, and offer fervent best wishes to the reformers in those nations who are striving yet today to overcome that awful legacy.

Can our achievements be replicated as well as our mistakes? William F. Buckley taught us a boggling number of truths. One of the most important is that our civilization–the civilization of democratic capitalism–must be understood “whole, or not at all: as springing, season after season, from a trampoline of assumptions which are the warp and woof of freedom and progress.” Our fabric is woven of private property, competitive markets, disinterested law, and observed restraints on conduct and most of all on government itself. But the springs that give us lift lie deeper: high degrees of social trust, of spontaneous association, of openness to others, and of assimilation, resilience, and reverence. And there is a frame which holds it all together, which is individualism: the basis of social and political organization is the person–not the family, clan, tribe, religion, or race, not to mention class or gender.

We in the Anglosphere gained what we have through a thousand seasons of trial-and-error and of resistance to those who, yesterday and today, would destroy the whole creation by subsuming the individual to some collective ideology of power and plunder. We must not forget or falter, nor doubt our growing advantages as humanity progresses from mineral economies to intellect economies. For ourselves and for those who emulate us and depend on us, we have four great tasks: to improve each of our national systems of freedom, to deepen and fortify the ties among our systems, to remain open and welcoming to all who would join in our adventure, and to effectively counter those who oppose it.

So it is altogether fitting that Americans should honor this magnificent Australian who has devoted himself to not one or two but all four tasks, and with such stupendous tenacity and success. May his example be studied and followed north and south, and the bonds of affection and cooperation between America andAustralia continue to grow in the third century of our common enterprise.

The 2008 Irving Kristol Award for John Howard is inscribed:

To John Winston Howard
Stalwart all-rounder of politics and policy
Who made good government a popular cause
And advanced Australia fair and free

Introductory Remarks for Bernard Lewis

2007 Irving Kristol Award, March 7, 2007

In recent weeks we have been in essentially continuous mourning over the deaths of Jeane Kirkpatrick, Gerald Ford, Seymour Martin Lipset, Roberta Wohlstetter, Nelson Polsby, and Rosalie Silberman. As Charles Murray reminds us, we are all beneficiaries of the achievements of individuals of exceptional brilliance, drive, and character. When Milton Friedman died in November, my first thought was that it was scary to be living in a world that he was not part of. So too for those who have followed. But so long as we in this hall continue to congregate and collaborate and emulate, not only their memories but their wisdom and their spirits may live on.

On behalf of everyone at AEI, I offer hearty thanks to Pfizer, Inc., for once again underwriting our annual dinner, and to all of the men and women, business firms, law firms, and associations who are on our Dinner Committee and are patrons and sponsors for the evening. I wish to emphasize our gratitude and pride for the support of many leading corporations for AEI’s work throughout the year–for your financial support and intellectual support as well. There is a movement afoot to treat the political views and interests of corporations as inherently suspect and in need of official supervision. Senators are warning firms not to advance incorrect views; pension funds, the accounting profession, and the plaintiffs bar are being deputized in various efforts to bring the corporation to political heel. This is a pernicious development. The corporation is the transmission belt of much of our saving, prosperity, and progress. It is the place where many Americans pursue their vocations and spend most of their lives. And it is the locus-point of tremendously valuable social intelligence–information about society, economy, and technology that is to a unique degree generated by reality and analyzed with an eye towards something other than politics.

Those who objurgate the corporation as an independent source of ideas and activism include the major media–themselves corporations–and political representatives–themselves eager for corporate funding. But the Constitution affords them no monopoly on policy debate, and for them to acquire one would be dangerous to our social climate and political health. The corporation is a vital, reality-based counterweight to those for whom politics is primary. We all depend on you not just for our stuff but for our freedom, and we’re counting on you to hold your ground.

Bernard Lewis has done AEI the great honor of accepting our Irving Kristol Award for 2007. We will first hear a tribute from resident fellow Reuel Marc Gerecht, who studied under Professor Lewis at Princeton and then spent a decade with the Central Intelligence Agency in the Middle East, where he was what is discreetly called a clandestine specialist. Then James Q. Wilson–premier political scientist, emeritus professor at Harvard and UCLA, currently Ronald Reagan Professor at Pepperdine, for twenty years chairman of AEI’s Council of Academic Advisers–will offer remarks and introduce our lecturer.

In the past five years, Bernard Lewis and his works have both become well known to the general public, and both have circulated widely in the senior councils of our government. Let me say this: To the extent his advice has been followed, things have gone well, and to the extent his advice has not been followed, things have gone badly. That pattern, although not exactly pleasing in its proportions, is at least gratifying for AEI–it demonstrates our operating premise that free inquiry and serious scholarship can have large practical consequences. Much more important, free inquiry and serious scholarship are singular, defining virtues of Western civilization–so the utility of Bernard Lewis’s scholarship is reason for hope in what is still the beginning, learning-curve phase of our conflict with Islamic fascism.

The 2007 Irving Kristol Award for Bernard Lewis is inscribed:

To Bernard Lewis
Who has stood at the Bosporus for seventy years
Historian and interpreter across the great divide
Sage of our pasts, presage of our future

Introduction to President Bush

President’s AEI Address, Mayflower Hotel, Washington D.C., February 15, 2007

Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: welcome. The American Enterprise Institute is honored to sponsor this address by President George W. Bush. His topic will be developments inAfghanistan.

The first five years of the struggle with Islamic fascism have been fought primarily on two fronts, on the eastern and western borders of Iran. In both Afghanistan and Iraq we have encountered terrible reversals, mayhem, and bloodshed. The sources of pandemonium have been the same: guerrillas of the deposed dictatorships, holy warriors, and foreign opportunists, armed with technology and a willingness to die for the death of innocents, intent on sowing anarchy as a prelude to tyranny. Our enemies have exhibited tremendous resilience and resourcefulness on both fronts. The question of the hour is whether we shall summon those same capacities of our own, sufficient to defeat them—beginning with the understanding that we are fighting two fronts of the same war.

George Bush knows what the answer to that question must be. Standing above the current political fray is the indisputable, towering fact of a President who has staked everything on doing what he believes necessary to protect America—a man who will not retreat.

Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States, George W. Bush.

A Tribute to James Piereson

The Princeton Club, New York City, April 6, 2005

Tonight we are feting Jim Piereson but fretting that he has worked himself out of a job.  It is because the Olin Foundation is closing up shop that we can now tell Jim what we really think of him without sounding like toadies.  We don’t know who the next John Olin will be nor whether he will be smart enough to hire someone like Jim.  And other foundations that sustained the conservative intellectual movement from incubation to maturity are reducing their funding for our sort of work.  All of this has conservative intellectuals and activists worried about their fiscal future.

That worry is misplaced.  America is vastly richer than when John Olin established his foundation, and the growth of discretionary income and wealth is making the nonprofit sector the fastest growing part of American society.  Of course most charity will continue to go to the arts, medical research, social services, and universities, and most for political and policy causes will go to left-wing causes.  But we have done very well for thirty years on a tiny sliver of the total; there is no reason to doubt that we will find another sliver and probably more in the age of super-abundance.

A more interesting worry is nearly the opposite: whether the conservative movement can sustain its intensity of effort and practical influence as part of a burgeoning nonprofit world that is flush with resources but dysfunctional in important respects.  These dysfunctions have long afflicted our rival, richer organizations on the left, causing a great deal of waste, self-indulgence, running around in circles, and flaccid output.  We all admire Jim Piereson for his sterling character, keen intellect, sound judgment, and self-confident modesty, but the really important reason for us to honor him is that he has shown how nonprofit finance can be purposive and effective.

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Laura Fasano Banfield, 1915–2006

Remarks at her Memorial Service, New York City, September 8, 2006

A tribute to my dear friend of forty years, Laura Banfield, wife of Edward C. Banfield (2016–2099) and mother of Laura Hoguet and Elliott Banfield.

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Introductory Remarks for Norman Podhoretz

2002 Francis Boyer Award, February 13, 2002

“Never (that I know) has a single lifetime borne such literary and philosophical fruit,” William F. Buckley Jr. has observed of Norman Podhoretz’s career. Named editor of Commentary magazine in 1960 at the age of thirty, Mr. Podhoretz built the erudite small journal into the nation’s most important organ of political, social, and literary criticism. During his thirty-five-year editorship, Commentary became famous for its bold, lucid essays by America’s most perspicacious academics and intellectuals. Most of all, it heralded a profound intellectual shift: following an initial period of enthusiasm for radical politics, Commentary, in league with the Public Interest, led, shaped, and gave voice to the neoconservative revolution whose political consequences endure to this day.

Vivacious writing and zest for hard argument as the surest approach to truth have characterized not only Mr. Podhoretz’s magazine but also his own books and essays—on literature and literary politics, American foreign policy, Jewish affairs, race relations, and much else. He is the author of eight books: Doings and Undoings: The Fifties and After in American Writing (1964); Making It (1968); Breaking Ranks: A Political Memoir (1979); The Present Danger (1980); Why We Were in Vietnam (1982); The Bloody Crossroads: Where Literature and Politics Meet (1986); Ex-Friends (1999); and My Love Affair with America (2000).

The son of Galician Jewish immigrants, Norman Podhoretz was born in 1930 and raised in the Brownsville section of Brooklyn, New York. He attended Columbia University on a Pulitzer scholarship and, following graduation in 1950, earned bachelor’s and master’s degrees in English literature from Cambridge University, where he was a Fulbright Scholar and a Kellett Fellow. He also holds a bachelor’s degree in Hebrew literature from the Jewish Theological Seminary. Between 1953 and 1955, he served in the U.S. Army, mainly as an enlisted man in the Army Security Agency, and then worked as a freelance writer and in a succession of editing and publishing jobs in the late 1950s.

Following his retirement as Commentary’s editor in chief in 1995, Mr. Podhoretz has been a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and editor at large at Commentary. He continues to write and lecture prolifically and has just completed his ninth book, The Prophets: Who They Were, What They Are, to be published by the Free Press in November 2002.

The 2002 Francis Boyer Award is inscribed:

To Norman Podhoretz
Who has put commentary in the arena
And shown how to love truth, friends, and country
Wisely and well and all at once

Introductory Remarks for Michael Novak

Francis Boyer Award, February 25, 1999

I don’t know what got into them, those hard-nosed business executives who sit on AEI’s Board of Trustees, back in 1978 when they invited a theologian from Syracuse University to move to Washington and join the Institute s research staff. But they were onto something big, and no AEI appointment has been more prescient than that of Michael Novak to our George Fredrick Jewett Chair in Religion, Philosophy, and Public Policy, established through the generosity of the Jewett family, our former Board chairman Dick Madden (who is here this evening), and the Potlatch Corporation.

There was, perhaps, something in the air. In that same year, the Archbishop of Krakow, Karol Wojtyla, a profound anti-Communist who had faced and fought Communist religious and civil persecution first-hand, became Pope John Paul II. In two years, Ronald Reagan would bring to the leadership of the West a new, unflinching moral vocabulary, epitomized in his 1983 Evil Empire Speech, that would shake the Soviet system to its foundations.

But Novak was himself a constituent part and, to many, a critical part, of that air. It was a new breath of freedom that succeeded by reversing the then-prevailing assumption that moral truth, political institutions, and economic welfare are separate and often antithetical subjects by insisting that they are one and indivisible. At AEI he wrote The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism, published in 1982 and by 1984 in wide underground circulation behind the Iron Curtain (it was translated with Novak’s clandestine permission and assistance, thus vindicating AEI’s position on the importance of intellectual property rights in emerging markets). All of the revolutionary leaders of the 1980s attested to the influence of that book on their thoughts and actions. Solidarity itself appropriated the term democratic capitalism to describe the goal of its struggle against socialism; and in this decade, after the fall, Michael has been treated as a conquering intellectual hero throughout central and eastern Europe, including in his own ancestral Slovakia.

He may be parading further east sometime soon. Democratic Capitalism has recently been published in Chinese in the People s Republic of China, and the Party, by restricting circulation and excising the book’s religious passages, can only heighten interest in its secrets.

At home, Novak’s influence has been so pervasive as to become invisible, absorbed into the political and intellectual atmosphere, transforming the chemistry of discourse. When he received the 1994 Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion, I tried to explain to a group of young people at AEI the achievements that had justified an honor bestowed on Mother Teresa, Billy Graham, and Alexandr Solzhenitsyn. They were baffled and uncomprehending. Novak was like the Nobel Prize economist whose theories, radical and unsettling when first propounded, seem obvious to everyone who reads about them thirty years later in The New York Times news story. Today it is important to recall how bold it was in the age of Nader to use capitalism in other than a pejorative sense, and how outrageous it was to couple capitalism with democracy at a time when socialism, dressed up as social democracy, still held the moral high ground. Subsidiary notions like empowerment and mediating structures were simply strange, although Novak would be the first to insist that the ideas they described were ancient.

Today these Novakian terms are commonplace, and the rhetorical shift registers tectonic shifts at the level of practice and policy. The current popular prestige of private enterprise and entrepreneurship would never have come to pass if the market economy had continued to be understood as a value-free engine of material welfare and personal gratification, rather than as a noble and morally demanding institution as well (what Novak calls business as a calling). The exciting devolution of social welfare programs and primary schooling from government to church, community, and other private organizations would never have come so far in the name of budget cutting and fiscal rectitude; the decisive change has been growing appreciation of the comparative virtues of voluntary, spontaneous social organization, especially in areas where questions of conduct and ethics are paramount.

These days our risks are those of success, and of forgetting the particulars of what brought us to where we are. We are told that there is a third way to democratic capitalism, as if capitalism is something that must be tamed by government rather than the other way around. Empowerment is in such promiscuous use that it may be employed to describe something bestowed by a government program or a tax credit part of the continuing effort to establish a direct and unmediated dependency of families and individuals on the state. Most serious is the resurgence, in trendy nineties garb, of the conceit that our astounding material prosperity is a mechanical, technological phenomena on Internet autopilot, divorced from, and inconvenienced by, issues of character and culture and our Western heritage of religious teachings and ethical precepts.

Michael Novak, however, does not believe in compartmentalization. His great appeal, like that of the Pope himself, is the almost eerie serenity with which he appreciates and interprets modern aspirations without ever budging an inch from ancient, exacting truths. He has continued to write brilliantly on questions of business ethics, social and economic policy, culture, and religion. He has even taken on that one issue that dwarfs all others in challenge, delicacy, and potential for social disruption the religious instruction of one’s own children in his latest book, Tell Me Why, coauthored with his daughter Jana.

It is immensely gratifying to everyone at AEI that this prophet, who has been honored in so many countries, should finally be honored at home. His Boyer Award is inscribed:

To Michael Novak
Theologian, philosopher, and moral ecologist
Who has brilliantly cultivated gardens of religious and secular thought;
Who has instructed and inspirited democrats and capitalists
And other fighters for freedom and social justice.

The award consists of the first complete published works of St. Thomas More, a fifty-year project of Yale University whose first volume appeared in 1963 and whose twenty-first and last appeared just three months ago. They are collected in a bookcase built for us by Robert Dowell of Stephens City, Virginia, a replica of a cabinet Thomas Jefferson had constructed for his use in the joinery at Monticello.

And for those of you who think it incongruous that Thomas More should be embellished by Thomas Jefferson, Michael Novak will now explain it to you, in his Boyer Lecture entitled God’s Country, or, Taking the Declaration Seriously.

Introductory Remarks for President Ronald Reagan

1998 Francis Boyer Award, December 7, 1998

President Reagan, you honor the American Enterprise Institute and the goals we share by being with us this evening and accepting AEI’s Francis Boyer Award for 1988.

Your years in office have had a transforming effect on Washington—and also on the American Enterprise Institute. AEI has been engaged in public policy research for forty-five years now. For most of these years, ours was a lonely voice crying in the wilderness. And how exhilarating, how deeply gratifying it was! As the Tom Lehrer ditty goes, “They may have had the best armies, but we had all the best songs.” To dissent boldly, to demonstrate with analytical precision the follies of the great and powerful, to be gloriously on the attack against an implacable establishment—these were our accustomed roles, and we performed them with relish.

But since you came to town things just haven’t been the same. First you impressed into public service many of AEI’s most accomplished scholars. Then, through your leadership, many of the ideas they and you had been writing about for so many years became actual policy. And finally, many of these ideas, when put to the test, yielded exactly the benefits you had predicted—for domestic prosperity, for national security and international peace, for the spread of democratic capitalism around the world.

All this success has left those of us who were trained in the skills of dissent and debunking—thinking we had a lifetime’s work ahead of us—in a very awkward position. The job retraining program does not apply to economists and political scientists; nor is import relief available, since your revolution has been so thoroughly American.

Now I must say that AEI has not been altogether disarmed. We have, as you may have noticed, registered the occasional mild reproach, the polite and respectful suggestion for improvement; as you are yourself a man of ideas, you have surely understood our restlessness. And for all our innate skepticism, we have never been of the despairing, decline-of-the-West school of thought: from Wattenberg to Novak, from Kristol to Burns to Scalia, our iconoclasm has usually been that of the optimist and ever-hopeful reformer, just as yours has been. That you have actually achieved so many of the reforms we had hoped for is therefore reason for the deepest satisfaction—and a galvanizing reminder of the importance of our work in the years ahead, whatever transitory defeats or successes we may encounter.

For you have taught us that ideas and power—the best songs and the best armies—are not the irreconcilable forces intellectuals have often (consolingly) supposed and can indeed be potent allies. At the same time, you have taught us that the policy ideas we at AEI traffic in—however true, however skillfully extracted from the tangle of human experience, however brilliantly propounded—are of small moment in practical affairs until they are catalyzed by that rare and ineffable human substance: political leadership.

You have said, Mr. President, that facts are stubborn things. I must quarrel (true to form!) with this proposition. Facts are not stubborn; they are merely inanimate. They acquire their capacity to stop or move the world only in the hands of men stubborn in the pursuit of large ideals—such as you have been, such as you have taught us to be.

Introductory Remarks for James Q. Wilson

1997 Francis Boyer Award, December 4, 1997

In 1987, when James Q. Wilson announced that he was retiring from the faculty of Harvard University at the age of fifty-five, a small scandal buzzed through the usually tolerant Harvard professoriate. It turned out that this renowned scholar and model of personal rectitude, who had received so many accolades and held so many positions of trust and leadership in his twenty-six years at Harvard, had a prior life: he had grown up in Southern California. Moreover, it was then revealed that he and his wife Roberta had been, like, California childhood sweethearts, and were planning to run off together from Cambridge to . . . Malibu.

Harvard has since recovered its equipoise, but we now know that Harvard, and all of us, had all along been beneficiaries of Jim Wilson’s ausland upbringing. For it was in Long Beach and Los Angeles in the 1940s that he first came to know, more palpably than anyone back East possibly could, where America was heading. It was there that he observed, and absorbed, the suburban, individualistic, freedom-and-mobility-loving, property-protecting, morally serious, politically skeptical ethos that was to become the defining political culture of America itself–through three wars, one near revolution, three economic booms, and huge ethnic and demographic changes.

And I can prove he saw it coming at least as early as 1967, because he wrote in that year, in an essay drawing on his social roots and boyhood, that Southern Californians are realizing their ambitions. They are . . . acquiring security, education, living space, and a lifestyle that is based in its day-to-day routine on gentility, courtesy, hospitality, virtue. . . . It is not with their lot that they are discontented, it is with the lot of the nation. The very virtues they have and practice are in their eyes conspicuously absent from society as a whole . . . the decay of values evidenced by crime in the streets, juvenile delinquency, public lewdness, and the like but going much beyond these manifestations to include everything that suggests that people no longer act in accordance with decent values and right reason.[i]

In this passage–written, I repeat, not in 1997 but in 1967–we see not only Tocqueville-like prescience but for Wilson himself a research agenda that would occupy him for thirty years, and a singular perspective to bring to that agenda.

His work is well known for its insistence and calm demonstration that social science for all its frailties really is a science, with greater practical utility in a wider array of public controversies than anyone had imagined. It can guide and improve policy in matters such as crime control and education where there is consensus on the proper ends of government. More surprising, it can help out with those fractious “values issues” of concern to the residents of Long Beach–issues of personal character and behavior, family structure, child rearing, drug abuse, welfare, even abortion–by clarifying the nature of our disagreements, settling disputes over causation and consequence, and suggesting policies that may partially unite warring camps.

But Wilson is no academic imperialist: he knows the proper place of social science in practical affairs. Indeed, his latest book, Moral Judgment, argues powerfully against the use of social science findings in criminal trials, on grounds that true social science is concerned with tendencies, while the criminal law is concerned with judging specific conduct. And while many policy experts flatter themselves that their mission is, as they like to say, “telling truth to power,” much of Wilson’s career has been devoted to telling power to truth–that is, to explaining politics to the purveyors of abstractions.

Jim Wilson’s earliest work in the 1960s concerned urban politics and policy. The problems of the cities–poverty, racial strife, crime, congestion, economic decline–were the central domestic issues of the day. America still had something like a self-conscious establishment, and its approach to those problems was managerial. “If we can put a man on the moon, why can’t we solve the problems of the cities?” asked the editorial pages. The academy agreed and was eager to help. The field of urban studies was dominated by experts in city planning and public administration, who regarded politics as a nuisance at best. Wilson’s fellow political scientists did not, but they saw the locus of city politics as the formal establishment, whether Brahmin or machine, firmly in control of City Hall and the civil service bureaucracies. And the political activists of the day believed the experts–the radicals among them reviling and attacking the city power structure, the liberals attempting to reform it.

But Wilson, and like-minded intellectuals such as Edward C. Banfield, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Nathan Glazer, and Irving Kristol, said no: Government is not Management. Programs that attempt to solve urban problems through top-down management, like Urban Renewal and Model Cities, are bound to be fiascos; and those that attempt to transform the establishment through bottom-up insurgency, like the Community Action Program, will add frustration to failure. The all-powerful establishment, Wilson showed, was nothing of the sort, but just one–and a declining one–in a cacophony of competing ethnic, neighborhood, and economic interest groups. City Hall and the public bureaucracies only reflected the interplay of the competing forces they pretended to manage. Many urban problems were indeed serious, but they would not respond to the domestic equivalent of a war (as in War on Poverty) or a space program or a Marshall Plan. Any serious effort to ameliorate those problems needed first of all to recognize and accommodate the intensely political character of our government, and the intensely pluralistic and competitive character of our politics.

That seems like a long time ago; the forces that disestablished the old city hierarchies have since done their work at the national level. The tendency to think and act as if society were a single organization with settled purposes is today much less pronounced–witness, for example, the disappearance of the idea of “fiscal policy,” once regnant at AEI, Brookings, and the CEA, which assumed that taxing and spending would be purposefully calibrated to maximize economic performance. Yet it still creeps in and confuses things every day. The most susceptible are the reformers of the Concord Coalition, Common Cause, Civic Journalism variety: high-minded people in sensible shoes who believe that if politicians would just stop being so parochial and short sighted–or better yet would turn things over to an independent committee–all our problems would be easily solved. Asian-miracle journalists assure us that the Japanese and Koreans have already done so with great success, so we’d better get our act together too (or at least they did until recently).

Partisan activists–who as practicing politicians should know better–often succumb as well. Liberal Democrats today talk about organizing national child care in the exasperated, but-it’s-just-common-sense tones of a 1890s Bellamy Club. Newt Gingrich announced on taking the Speaker’s chair that what he was really going to be was CEO of the House. Is it any wonder that his supporters should be angry and confused that the CEO and his management team have not fully implemented their plans in three years, and have compromised, back-pedaled, and shifted priorities in a manner that would be career-ending in a business executive?

Professor Wilson teaches that it is not like that and never can be in a liberal middle-class democracy where people’s interests, experiences, and moral perspectives differ as much as in our own. On most political issues, we are obliged to make peace with people who are different, some of them very different, from ourselves. This does not mean that we are consigned to a multicultural Babel or advised to be muddle-through policy agnostics. To Wilson, pluralism and faction are not the end of the political question: they are its definition, the inescapable starting point for taking politics seriously. We do face serious problems. Some of them are grave enough that they might destroy us. Such problems make the study of politics urgent and the arts of political leadership paramount–especially the moral imagination to define the problems at hand, and point to their solutions, in ways that appeal to the everyday experiences and sensibilities of large numbers of citizens.

It is on this latter point that Wilson has focused his most recent work, especially in his magnificent book, The Moral Sense.[ii] It is concerned with those issues of character, culture, and conduct that he noticed in Long Beach in the days of the Beach Boys and that have since become the most vexing issues of American politics. Our capacity for right conduct–meaning our inclination to discipline our immediate appetites and to act out of proper regard for others even when it is costly to ourselves–may be thought to be of divine provenance, or to originate in an implicit, rationally self-interested social compact. But the immediate source of the moral sense is secular, observable, customary, homey: it is in the organization of the family and the nigh universal practices of child rearing, where children are first taught proper regard for the interests of other family members, and those rules are then extended, partially and conditionally, to more distant social relations.

This formulation has profound political implications that have unsettled both strong libertarians and strong moralists. If Wilson is right, the continued success of self-government cannot be ensured by term limits, federalism, enterprise zones, or campaign finance reform: it depends critically on the fate of the traditional family. At the same time, morality itself is dethroned and democratized, revealed to be a popular art: it may be fortified by church and state but is ultimately in the hands of the most common and private modes of experience.

Libertarians and social conservatives have been quarreling with Wilson over theory and applications, but they have clearly been listening to him, and some have beheld a passage across the great current schism in political thought. Libertarianism is the right political philosophy for men and women who are equipped for liberty; but just as it breaks down where children are concerned, so too where adults persist in behaving like children. Social conservatism is right to insist that moral conduct is both definable and essential; but being good is not its own reward–it empowers men and women for freedom, with which they pursue happiness and achieve material and social progress.

In 1969, the first year of the Nixon administration, I found myself working in a White House that often seemed less like a center of government than an academic seminar, presided over by Professors Moynihan, Henry Kissinger, Arthur Burns, and George Shultz. Yet Pat Moynihan, who was in charge of urban affairs, kept insisting that President Nixon take time to meet with another professor, a Harvard colleague.

The president was resistant, offering excuse after excuse. Pat, of course, finally prevailed–performing that amazing physical feat since often observed but never successfully imitated. He pulled himself up to his full six-foot-four-inch stature while still sitting down, on the edge of his chair, and he said, “Mr. President, James Q. Wilson is the smartest man in the United States. The president of the United States should pay attention to what he has to say.”

So should we all. The American Enterprise Institute’s Francis Boyer Award for 1997 is presented:

To James Q. Wilson
Exemplary student and proponent
Of the American experiment in self-government
From its moral foundations to its practical operations
Which, he has shown, must be understood together.

[i]  “A Guide to Reagan Country: The Political Culture of Southern California,” Commentary (May 1967), reprinted in On Character: Essays by James Q. Wilson, AEI Press (exp’d. ed. 1995), pp. 75, 89.

[ii]  The Free Press (1997).

Templeton Prize Tribute to Michael Novak

May 23, 1994

These remarks were delivered at an American Enterprise Institute reception for Michael Novak upon his return from receiving the Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion. Mr. Novak’s Templeton Prize Address, delivered at Westminster Abbey on May 5, 1994, along with materials about his works including this tribute, were collected in Derek Cross and Brian Anderson, eds., Awakening from Nihilism (Crisis Books 1995).

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